Backs Against the Wall: Battered Womens Resistance Strategies

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Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge. Brush, Lisa Diane. Poverty, battered women, and work in U.

New York: Oxford University Press. Lanham: AltaMira Press. Dragiewicz, Molly. Boston, Mass. Dubowitz, Howard, and Diane DePanfilis. Handbook for child protection practice. Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications.

Backs Against the Wall: Battered Women's Resistance Strategies / Edition 1

Fontes, Lisa Aronson. New York: Guilford Press. Lindsey, Duncan, and Aron Shlonsky. New York, N. Logan, TK.

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New York: Columbia University Press. McCue, Margi Laird. Santa Barbara, Calif. Very minimal writing or notations in margins not affecting the text.

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Backs Against the Wall: Battered Women's Resistance Strategies tackles several controversial aspects involved with intimate partner violence (IPV)―namely the. Backs Against the Wall: Battered Women's Resistance Strategies tackles several controversial aspects involved with intimate partner violence (IPV)—namely the.

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The urge to protect the unborn baby was the primary influence for participants' decisions about separating from or permanently leaving an abusive relationship. Dispatch time is working days from our warehouse. Bullock , Kim M. Prevalence of violence against pregnant women. A focus on understanding the different contexts and influences within the community would help in assessing resources available for pregnant women. Women's responses to battering: A test of the model. Marilyn Sitaker, MPH, is Section Epidemiologist at the Washington State Department of Health in Olympia, WA, where she is responsible for surveillance and evaluation of policy and environmental interventions to reduce the prevalence of obesity and obesity-related chronic diseases.

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More information about this seller Contact this seller Published by Haworth Pr Inc About this Item: Haworth Pr Inc, Condition: Brand New. In Stock. Never used!. According to this conceptual framework, a woman's awareness of and response to violence might therefore be expected to vary according to the stage of the violent relationship she is in at a given point in time. Furthermore, as Dutton points out, a woman's available options are circumscribed by many factors outside her control, including community attitudes towards violence, available resources for battered women and access to financial resources and social support.

A qualitative study of African American and Anglo American women who had left abusive relationships found that differences in cultural and social backgrounds shaped women's willingness to involve police or outside institutions, as well as their expectations and reliance on family and community structures. Although this topic has received relatively less attention outside North America and Europe, qualitative studies in a host of settings suggest that the barriers to leaving abusive relationships are surprisingly similar.

Once a woman decides to seek help, the response she receives plays a crucial part in determining her future actions. To develop more effective interventions for women living in violent relationships, it is important to understand how women themselves are coping with violence.

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To date, most information on this subject is derived from qualitative studies. The few quantitative studies have been conducted in the United States on non-representative samples of battered women, usually recruited through newspaper advertisments or battered women's shelters.

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In Nicaragua, domestic violence has been recognised as a serious and pervasive social and public health problem. Violence against women is supported by deeply rooted cultural norms that encourage women to submit to their partners' authority, and endorse the use of violence.

However, in the past decade, both government and grass roots organisations have attempted to change prevailing attitudes towards violence. Over centres have been set up throughout the country to provide support to battered women or to carry out educational or violence prevention programmes. The Network organises yearly media campaigns on violence and in successfully lobbied to pass new legislation to protect victims of domestic violence. These initiatives together have led to a surge in the numbers of women reporting violence to the police, from in to over in The survey was performed among a representative sample of women between the ages of 15 and Intimate partner violence was defined as the experience of one or more acts of physical violence at any time from a current or former male intimate partner.

Current violence was defined as any act taking place within the 12 months before the interview. Women were asked to recall the first and last incidents of violence, as well as their marital status both at the time of the violence and at the moment of the interview. They were further asked whether they had ever sought outside help for their situation, whether they had ever left home as a result of the violence, and whether they generally defended themselves during the violent episode. A woman who reported defending herself was asked if the self defence was physical or verbal, and whether the violence usually stopped for the moment, got worse, or stayed the same as a result of her actions.

Women were asked whether their children had ever been physically or emotionally abused by anyone, and if so, who was the perpetrator. Socioeconomic status was measured using the method of Basic Needs Assessment, which measures household access to four categories of basic sanitary, educational, and economic conditions.

According to this method, which has been adapted and used widely in Nicaragua, 42 47 a household is classified as poor when there are deficits in at least one area of basic services. All interviews were carried out in complete privacy by trained female interviewers, with special measures taken to protect the safety and mental well being of both informants and interviewers. Educational pamphlets on domestic violence as well as referrals for free counselling were offered to all informants. Ethical clearance for the study was obtained from Nicaraguan University authorities.

Random repeat interviews and logical data controls at the time of data entry were performed to control data quality. During the analysis, considerable overlap between severe acts of physical abuse, injury, sexual abuse and violence in pregnancy was documented. In the new severity measure women were considered as severely abused if they scored 2 or more on a total possible scale of 4. Child abuse was coded positive if a woman responded that one or more of her children had even been physically, sexually or emotionally abused by anyone, including herself.

Three dichotomous dummy variables were created to represent the most common coping strategies: help seeking, self defence and temporary separation. Help seeking was coded as positive if a woman had ever sought help from family, friends or more formal sources, and temporary separation was coded positive if a woman had ever left home because of partner violence and thereafter returned. Effective self defence was coded positive for women who reported that they usually defended themselves either physically or verbally and that the violent episode would usually cease, at least temporarily, when they did.

Women, who reported that they never defended themselves, or if they did their husband's aggression stayed the same or got worse, were coded as 0. Finally, permanent separation was coded positive if the woman reported that the relationship was now over, regardless of whether or not the violence had ended. The length of time that a woman was exposed to violence in marriage duration of violence was estimated as years between the first violent incident and permanent separation or date of interview, regardless of when the last act of violence had occurred.

Multivariate logistic regression was used to evaluate factors associated with a woman's likelihood to use any of the three coping strategies, adjusting for duration of violence in all models. Thereafter, Cox's proportional hazard modelling was used to estimate the association between the length of time that women remained in a violent relationship and a series of background and contextual factors. Both theory and the results of logistic regression and Cox regression were used to construct a hypothesised path model for predicting how the use of specific coping responses would affect women's likelihood to separate permanently fig 1.

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We hypothesised that women who experienced less severe violence would have greater success in managing the situation on their own, for example by effectively defending themselves either verbally or physically. In contrast, women experiencing either severe abuse themselves, or whose children were also affected by the violence, would be more likely to seek help outside the home or to leave the house temporarily during abusive episodes.

We further hypothesised that women who sought help or left the house would also be more likely to separate permanently than women who attempted to manage the violence on their own. Our model assumed that help seeking would be positively correlated to women's age, urban residence and existence of social networks, whereas the overall likelihood of leaving would be correlated also to whether there was violence in the woman's or her husband's family. Because not all parameters were significant when the full model was tested, a simplified model was created eliminating most of the exogenous variables.

The simplified model will be described in the results section. Data were analysed using SPSS 9. Seeking outside help and temporary separations are critical steps in the process of overcoming violence. All ever married women interviewed and the women who experienced physical partner abuse are presented in table 1.